Philippine Politics and Governance

The Philippine politics and governance today has been regarded by many as poor, corrupt and inefficient. We have heard stories of presidents, rich congressmen and bureaucracies filled with lust for power and pesos. At the same time, we hear stories of civilians oppressed by injustice and poverty. In a book I read few weeks ago, Kasuya and Quimpo’s Politics of Change in the Philippines, it poses questions such as whether nothing has really changed in Philippine politics and whether there are feasible prospects for political and social change in the future.

With all the problems faced by both the government and the citizens, I argue that reforms are still possible.

Despite the establishment of democratic and reform-based institutions, oligarchic rule continues to persist. In fact, Philippine politics is even referred to as having an elite democracy. Thompson further describes the Philippines as being a “bourgeois” polity, one in which the only major social division is class. Throughout the years, both during democratic and authoritarian rule, the concentration of power in the hands of the elites has never changed (Quimpo, 2010). From Aguinaldo to Quezon to GMA, it comes to show that only the rich and educated can hold position and possess power. In reality, the large majority remains to be left to fend for themselves, as it has been for countless decades in a class-based society where only few families rule exclusively, politically and financially. These elites are also economically dominant because they own and run most of the businesses and corporations in the country. Even P-Noy is both a product and representative of the ruling class of political dynasties and is therefore aligned with his class interest. Only those with the “guns, goons and gold” are able to run for office and dominate society. According to Rocamora, election campaigns “have become so expensive that only rich people or those dependent on rich financiers could run.” Political dynasties and corrupt officials remain in power while endemic poverty, wide income gaps and weak governance continues to plague the Filipino society. According to Rivera and McCoy, the Philippine state remains a weak state dominated by powerful political-economic classes, just as it was in the early post-colonial years. Miriam Coronel Ferrer adds that we are in fact close to become a “failing” state if not yet a failed one.

According to Thompson, Philippine “bourgeois” politics comes in three forms: populism, clientelism and reformism. He sees Philippine politics as merely going through cycles. Hence, arguing that nothing much has changed in Philippine “democracy.” Instead, it only comes to show that we have always been a Philippine “bourgeois” democracy.

Apparently, only the political elite can afford to be patrons and have a network to develop their personal connections in the government and gain advantages and privileges in running their businesses and corporations. These bourgeoisies happen to perpetuate clientelist politics. Moreover, Philippine politics has long been described as clientelist. Quimpo describes a clientelist regime as one based on networks of dyadic alliances, involving the exchange of favors between politicians and their supporters – material benefits for political support. In other words, clientelist politics is clearly built on patronage. As patronage and clientilism continues to persist, it gives more room for corruption and more opportunities for our so-called public servants to ransack our resources and for institutions to become tools for “predation.”

Politics had become so dirty that most politicians came to be labeled as trapo (traditional politician) which means “a dirty old rag.” Sadly, the cycle just repeats the charges of election fraud, corruption, nepotism and incompetence. Although “democracy” was restored in 1986, corruption still plagues many of our government officials; corruption has been known as the “currency of governing” in the country. In fact the plague has victimized the past two presidents namely Estrada and Arroyo who were embroiled in huge corruption scandals. Previous governments were described as predatory with government officials as predators who feed on the state and the powerful prey on the weak (Diamond, 2001). According to Quimpo, the presidency and the political parties have paved the way for the predatory regime in the country. During Marcos’ time, he and his cronies employed various ways of acquiring and securing ill-gotten wealth. He created monopolies in vital industries and placed them under the control of his cronies. He also gave large dole outs to relatives and other acquaintances. He established the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) for his supporters to partake in the loot, exploiting resources by all means. Unfortunately, the exploitation and expansion of wealth and powers worsened when the Estrada and Arroyo administration sat on the pedestal. Thus, it would be difficult for P-Noy to clean up all the mess and advance his reforms – both in the institutions and in the presidency. However, the Philippine presidency is recognized as very powerful; he is even called the pangulo. Hence, with his dominant role in Philippine politics, P-Noy can possibly reform and if not eliminate, lessen corruption. It would be interesting to see how P-Noy will be able to transcend his class background and political orientation.

Political parties in the Philippines are personality-based organizations largely organized around dominant local political clans and warlords, and anchored on clientelistic, parochial and personal inducement rather than on issues, ideologies and party platforms (Teehankee, 2010). It is quite true that the political clans are the political parties in the Philippines. They only desire the benefits of office – getting its leaders in to government and enjoying patronage and other perks and privileges.

The Philippine state has also been described as patrimonial, meaning relationships are defined by personal considerations and connections. In our case, personal interests are more valued than that of the nation. GMA, for instance, wanted to win the presidency in 2004 and her party in 2007. Thus, he asked the helped of the Ampatuan to deliver votes. In turn, the Ampatuan was rewarded with funds from different government agencies, guns from DILG and AFP and freedom to dispense with the province’s IRA as the family pleased (Ferrer, 2010). In effect, the Ampatuans had the confidence to use violence just to perpetuate them in power. This is another example of predation.

Another problem that lingers in Philippine politics today is that we have a weak criminal justice system. There is no rule of law. Justice for the victims of human rights isn’t given. Instead of strictly implementing the rules of law, police forces would rather engage in bribery and tolerate the law-violators. Instead of conducting immediate hearings, prosecutors delay the imposing of justice. As this behavior continues, crime rates go up and corruption permeates because criminals can easily get away with their crimes. In addition, citizens are discouraged from filing cases because of the common notion that they would not prosper anyway. Thus, justice is not brought to the civil society, when it is the most important thing given to the civilians and it is what defines true democracy. However, the fact is that the justice system is not even fair in passing down decisions, as little as imposing punishment on a police officer, or if not, delaying the court trials. As a result, citizens get discouraged in partnering with the police force in maintaining peace, order and justice.

In a predatory regime like ours, can we really say that we have democratic institutions, that we are a democratic state? According to Kasuya, the Philippines still does not qualify as a democratic state despite of 20 years after “re-democratization.” In fact, her research suggests that although the majority of the Filipinos prefer democracy as a system of government, many do not clearly understand what it means. The notion of democracy is blurred.

However, there are various legal measures, movements and advocacies that were built for the sake of steering the society towards good governance; in other words, building a “reform constituency.” Constitutional provisions were given to reform the state such as the passing of the Local Government Code which authorizes civil organizations to participate in the policy-making process at different levels of local governance. The 1987 Constitution also regulates the terms of elected government officials. There are also various NGOs and civil society organizations that participate in reforming politics. An example is that of Jesse Robredo and Ed Panlilio’s Kaya Natin which promotes good governance.

Despite of all these reforms, the Philippines never attained liberal democracy where there is extensive protection for individual and group rights, inclusive pluralism in civil society, civilian control over the military, accountability of officeholders, and an independent, impartial judiciary (Diamond, 1996). Most of all, corrupt officials and elite rule has never been eliminated. After more than 20 years of democratization, there are still many cases suggesting that Philippine democracy is not yet fully achieved.

Nurturing civil society is one of the most important means to promote democratic consolidation in the Philippines. Many say that we already have hundreds of civic volunteers. However, according to Kasuya, a cross-national study shows that in the Philippines, only 1.9% of the economically active population is in the civil society sector and 6% of the adult population is engaged in volunteer activities. Hence, the Philippines doesn’t really have a vibrant and participative civil society. With that being said, civil society sector must be strengthened and encouraged. NGOs and POs and other civil society watchdogs can provide reports, research results to aid the Congress in policy making and policy advocacies. The civil society can also conduct check-and-balance in terms of analyzing annual budgets; they can determine how these budgets are used and such. In the case of local government officials, instead of being hostile to these organizations, they must partner with them in reforming the society. According to Tadem, reformist technocrats, the middle class technically trained experts, have a potential to advance these reforms. They push for greater transparency and accountability and favor the involvement of civil society groups in policy making process. The media sector also must work hand-in-hand with the NGOs and POs in establishing transparency and accountability. With the increasing participation of media, government officials will be pushed to become more transparent and corrupt-free as journalists involve in exposing anomalies and such. Moreover, citizens will be more informed about the state of the country.

A change in the system of government is not necessarily a solution to steering towards good governance. A shift from a presidential government to a parliamentary government isn’t the answer to the crisis we face. Trapos could very well take advantage of the shift to extend their stay in office and continue with their politics of patronage and predation.

We have to reform the state. We have to transform the orientation of local governments, political party system and wean them away from presidential patronage and put a stop to political violence through the strengthening of the rule of law. The 1987 Constitution has already provided legal measures to achieve these. Term limits, anti-political dynasty bill, the party-list system, prohibition on private armies, devolution, regional autonomy, electoral and military reforms are all steps to achieve reforms. Unless, political elites continue to break the law, the Philippine state will continue to thrive in backwardness. The civil society must take action.

Education, I argue, is the key to resolve poverty and corruption. The common tao should let them know their rights and allow the people to exercise them. He should be vigilant and be politically aware. It is through education where citizens can participate in political and social affairs. Citizens should also be educated morally. For instance, they should be taught on proper behavior. For instance, the habit of plagiarism can easily turn into corruption when one sits in Congress or the attitude of “feeling VIP” can easily turn someone into an attitude of the Queen of Hearts such as that of GMA.

Reform security sector.

Eliminate pork barrel allocations.

Strengthen criminal justice system. Strengthen rule of law. Having a weak criminal justice system, there should be an immediate prosecution of law-violators. The Congress, for instance, should conduct immediate committee hearings and investigations. The Ombudsman must be competent and fair to combat graft and corruption, monitoring the performance of officials especially those placed in high positions. The Congress must carefully study each line item in the respective budgets of the departments. Institutional mechanisms such as the Truth Commission, Commission on Human Rights, Commission on Audit, etc. should perform their functions effectively to prevent corruption and ensure transparency and accountability. Anti-graft institutions must be established both within and outside the government. Competent officials must be placed in position and not just the rich and powerful.

With a reform constituency running which is represented by the P-Noy’s good governance campaign, it doesn’t assure us whether these reforms will take place. My concern is that in a P-Noy administration, it is not guaranteed whether they will have political strength to undertake these reforms.

Reaksyon sa Dulang "Information for Foreigners"

Warning: this is an attempt to write in fluent Filipino

Ang Information for Foreigners ay isang interactive na dula na pumapaksa sa pang-aapi at pang-aabuso sa mga sibilyan. Mula sa Argentina, binago ang dula para maging angkop sa lokal na setting.

Linalarawan nito ang pagkawalan ng katarungan mula noong panahong diktaturang Marcos hanggang sa kasalukuyan.

Sa bawat eksena ay pinakita ang iba’t ibang karahasan sa iba’t ibang mukha – aktibista man, babae o simpleng magsasaka.

Unang pinakita ang eksperimentong ginawa sa Yale University kung saan kinukuryente ang isang estudyante kapag hindi siya sumagot ng tama sa mga tinatanong sa kanya.

Sumunod dito ang mga kuwento ng mga dinukot, tinortyur at pinatay na mga sibilyan katulad ni Jonas Burgos, isang simpleng magsasakang dinukot at hinihilaang pinatay ng mga militar. Hanggang ngayon, patuloy pa rin ang paghahanap ng mga ina’t kapatid sa kanya.

Iba’t ibang paraan ng pang-aabuso ang ipinakita sa dula. Isa na lamang ang submarine na kung saan inilulublob ang mukha ng isang babaeng sa isang batsa ng maruming tubig. Itinortyur rin siya sa pamamagitan ng watercure kung saan may nakatakip na basahan sa mukha at binubuhusan siya ng tubig sa bibig habang nakatingala siya - hanggang siya’y malunod.

Sa katunayan, ang ganitong karahasan ay isinagawa noong panahon ng mga Amerikano para kwestyunin at parusahan ang mga tulisan, ang mga patuloy na nag-alsa laban sa mga kolonyal. Matapos ng maraming taon, isinagawa rin ang watercure noong Batas Militar sa mga taong lumalaban sa gobyernong Marcos.

Maliban dito, isang paraan din ng pagtortyur ang pagkulong sa loob ng magkakapatong na gulong. Ito ay ginawa sa aktibistang taga-UP na nagngangalang Shirley, na hanggang ngayon ay nawawala pa rin.

Mula noong panahon ng Batas Militar at hanggang sa kasalukuyan, mapapansin ang pagkawalan ng hustisya sa mga biktima. Walang tigil ang mga pamamaslang, pagdukot, pagtortyur, at ang mga iligal na armas sa mga pribadong hukbo ng mga naghahariang politiko.

Sa panahon ng mga Espanyol, Amerikano at ng Batas Militar, malinaw kung sino ang gumagawa ng karahasan ngunit sa panahon ngayon, hindi makakasiguro ang mga tao kung sino ang may pasimuno. Hindi alam kung sino ang kaaway dahil walang nahuhuli at napaparusahang mga kriminal. Patuloy pa rin ang pagkawalan ng hustisya – ng katarungan.

Si Jonas Burgos ay isa lamang sa mga 206 na desaparecidos, ang mga nawawala, at ang mga mukha nila ang matatanaw ng mga manunood bago nila sabihing, “the show is over, go back to your country.”

Ang pamagat na “Information for Foreigners” ay tila isang sarkastikong paglahad ng “Pilipino ka ngunit hindi mo alam ang mga pangyayari sa lipunan mo.” “Hindi mo alam ang iyong kasaysayan - nananatili kang bulag at bingi.” Ang dulang ito ay naghihikayat sa mga manonood at lalo na sa mga kabataan na magisip at alamin ang sarili nating istorya, ang realidad, ang mga karahasang napadama sa ating mga kababayang Pilipino.

Hindi kailangan maging eksperto sa kasaysayan ng Amerika o sa Pilipinas ngunit ang mahalaga ay alam ng isang Pilipino ang kanyang kasaysayan at ang kasaysayan ng mga tao sa buong mundo dahil ang lahat ay mag shared history ng opresyon at kawalan ng hustisya

Sa kabuuhan, ang dula ay isang lakbay sa kasaysayan ng ating lipunan na nagpipinta ng mga bangunguot na ating nadama at patuloy na nadadama.

Inilarawan ng dulang ito ang realidad na nangyayari sa normal na araw – mga taong dinidukot, dumadaming armas at mga inang patuloy na naghahanap sa kanilang mga anak.

Hangga’t hindi nahuhuli at napaparusahan ang mga kriminal, mananatiling bihag ng kasakiman ang taumbayan.

Hangga’t walang hustisya, hangga’t walang kapayapaan, maari natin sabihing hindi pa talaga malaya ang Pilipinas.

Kailangan ipaglaban ang kalayaan.

A Review on Dead Stars

Dead Stars is basically a love story about a man named Alfredo Salazar who incidentally meets a woman he fell in love with while engaged to his fiancée.

Compared to

other Filipino love stories, Dead Stars is the

most unusual because of its plot – having a complex main character, falling drastically in love with another woman as he is engaged to his fiancée for four years.

Also, it illustrates Filipino culture where society greatly affects how we make decisions. Alfredo could have pursued Julia when she left, but instead, he married Esperanza because that is what the Filipino society dictates, plus the fact that it was set during the 20s or 30s.

Moreover, I think what makes Dead Stars appealing is that it contains artistic symbols such as from the title itself, Dead Stars.

Scientifically, these are stars that have long been gone which can still be seen because the light which they gave off move slowly through the galaxies, making it appear like the actual star is still there when it is not.

In the same way, Alfredo thought that he really loved Julia but when they saw each other again, the love he thought was possible never was. Just like a dead star, the love did not exist.

An Analysis on George Orwell's 1984

Set during the totalitarian regime during the early 20^th century, 1984 is a picture of a dystopia where the government takes absolute control over the society with each person subject to surveillance. In this case, the story revolves around the person of Winston Smith. Although he tries to oppose the oligarchic system with the help of his girlfriend Julia, he is watched at every turn and is inevitably forced to submit to the Party in almost every aspect of his existence with Big Brother as the symbol for the Party’s dominance.

Winston Smith, a middle-aged man, becomes throttled by the party’s questionable principles. Apparently, the Party’s primary goal is to eliminate any possible slanderous or revolutionary thought and ideas from the public. Thus, they control the citizens and maintain their power through psychological manipulation – through a language named “newspeak”, Two Minutes Hate and by instilling the fear of the Thought Police and thought crime in all. In fact, based on the appendix of the book, newspeak does not include the word “freedom”. An idealist, Winston believes that there must be a hope for a better future where personal freedom can be attained by every individual. He rebels against the authorities by writing down his ideas of freedom in his diary. He starts with the line “April 4^th 1984” which I believe is very significant. The line provides a dramatic mood and a symbol that in 1984, people do not keep personal documentation; people aren’t free to express their opinions because such behavior is dangerous as it promotes independence and individual thought. Although Winston knows he will eventually be arrested, he continued to cunningly fight against the Party. In fact, he wrote “down with Big Brother” over and over in his journal.

Later in the novel, he meets Julia and engages in an intimate relationship with her which is apparently an act of rebellion since pleasure isn’t permitted in the society called Oceania. In my opinion, I think the Party suppresses all sexual acts to shift all their energy into meeting the Party’s own goals and needs. Moreover, sexual pleasure is also an individual act, promoting independence which the Party strongly bans. O’Brien even said in the latter part of the story when he was torturing Winston, “never again will you be capable of love, or friendship, or joy of living.”

In general, the plot was organized into three movements which helped the events and the intensity progress. Part One paints the world of 1984, a totalitarian world where the Party tries to manipulate everything even thoughts and emotions. It is in this part where the protagonist develops his rebellious notions. Part Two talks about Winston’s progressing relationship with Julia as they both share their deep reservations about the Party. Through O’Brien, they become involved in the Brotherhood, an organization that opposes the principles of Big Brother and the Party. However, it turns out that O’Brien was not a rebel after all; instead, he is a member of the Inner Party and heads the interrogation and torture of the criminals. Part Three describes how Winston was punished as he faced O’Brien. Eventually, he comes to love Big Brother.

In general, the plot was built around Winston’s mind and life which can be noticed on how the author manages to write in a narrative manner. Even if the novel was written in the third person, the point of view is evidently Winston Smith’s. After reading the book, it felt like I have been reading through Winston’s mind and seeing things the way he sees them. Through his eyes, I was able to see how the totalitarian society functions and how a person deals with having rebellious thoughts. In other words, the novel is more or less written in such a way that it is engaging, allowing the reader to think and feel as if he is suffering with the protagonist.

Moreover, there are striking parallelisms that grabbed my attention. For instance, it is similar to that of the short story discussed earlier namely “Repent, Harlequin! Said the Ticktockman,” a literary work dealing with the problems of the society. Harlequin, much like Winston Smith, tried to rebel against the social system by not following the strict observance of time. Winston, however, tries to resist the Party by expressing his thoughts through his journal and engaging in “sex crime,” countering the principles of the dominant oligarchy. Another similarity is that both protagonists are being watched closely. Harlequin is monitored by the Ticktockman who actively watches every person. In comparison, Winston is being watched by the Thought Police through telescreens, seeing those whose thoughts that imply disloyalty to the Party and its principles.

Another parallelism I noticed is that it concerned with the states that took place in real life. The Oceanian government fictionalized by Orwell is quite similar to that of Hitler’s Nazi Germany and Stalin’s Soviet Union. Both regimes worshipped their respective leaders as “messiahs”, required the destruction of all individuality in order to promote the Party’s ambition over the individuals’, demanded absolute loyalty from their citizens and resulted to violence whenever disloyalty was seen. The Thought Police, in fact, is also similar to that of the Gestapo which led large scale purges and terror. The Spies and the Youth League, on the other hand, is parallel to that of the Hitler Youth and Little Octoberists which indoctrinated young people to the Party and encouraged them to report disloyalty observed in their elders, even among family members.

It is important to point out that there are several symbols found in the novel. The paperweight represents Winston’s own fragile reality and a connection to the past in which he could have been free. Winston tells Julia, “It’s a little chunk of history that they’ve forgotten to alter. It’s a message from a hundred years ago, if one knew how to read it.” The paperweight was like the world Winston and Julia wanted – where freedom and independence is possible. As the author puts it, “it was as though the surface of the glass had been the arch of the sky, enclosing a tiny world with its atmosphere complete. He had the feeling that he could get inside it and that in fact he was inside it… the paperweight was the room he was in and the coral was Julia’s life and his own, fixed in sort of eternity at the heart of the crystal.” However, when the Thought Police finally arrested Winston and Julia, one of the members smashed it into pieces in the same way as shattering their hopes and the world they have created. The old picture of St. Clement’s Church is another symbol of the lost past, which Winston tries to revive at least for the time being. Moreover, I noticed that the rats are also symbols of depravity. Winston and Julia represent rats trapped inside Big Brother’s cage. Despite of their fight against oppression, they can never outdo Big Brother. If people allow such rulers to perpetuate in power, then they will become no better than mindless, multiplying rats.

Apart from these symbols, I also like how the author foreshadowed the fate of the protagonist. For instance, when Winston sees the picture of St. Clement’s Dane and its accompanying rhyme in Mr. Charrington’s shop, he believes that it speaks of his ideal of truth and rebellion against the Party because it is part of the past. However, it also foreshadows his downfall. The rhyme starts with, “oranges and lemons say the bells of St. Clement’s” and ends with “here comes a candle to light you to bed, here comes a chopper to chop off your head.” Mr. Charrington’s shop became Winston and Julia’s hiding place but much later, I learn that a telescreen is hidden behind the picture and Mr. Charrington turns out to be a Thought Police. The rats, I assume, are also an object of foreshadowing their fate. In a scene when Julia and Winston were inside Mr. Charrington’s junkshop, rats suddenly appear. Winston murmurs, “Rats! In this room!” then Julia replies, “They’re all over the place.” Thus, I think the rats metaphorically refer to the Thought Police who have been watching them all along. Another foreshadowing can be seen when Winston and Julia repeatedly tell each other, “we are the dead.” I think it actually means that they know they will eventually be arrested and it’s only just a matter of time. In the end, their hopes will be destroyed and they will come to love Big Brother. Another significant event is when Winston met up with O’Brien, thinking he’s part of the Brotherhood, I think O’Brien actually gave a clue when he said, “you understand that you will be fighting in the dark. You will always be in the dark.” Winston probably thinks being in darkness means being unseen, paying the cost of being part of the Brotherhood. However, I think it was O’Brien’s way of saying Winston cannot achieve the freedom he is hoping for. Hence, he can never see the light and he will always be in the dark. Moreover, when O’Brien had spoken to Winston in a dream saying, “we shall meet in the place where there is no darkness,” it actually predicts with total accuracy Winston’s eventual torture.

Evidently, the author used irony to create a more interesting mood. For instance, when Winston hears O’Brien’s voice in a dream, telling him that they will “meet in the place where there is no darkness,” it has nothing to do with the freedom Winston was hoping for. Instead, it is in the Ministry of Love where thought criminals were tortured and where the lights are literally always on. Moreover, the irony in the names of the ministries is also an obvious contradictory nature of the Party. Criminals are tortured in the Ministry of Love. War is waged from the Ministry of Peace. Lies are communicated by the Ministry of Truth and the Ministry of Plenty oversees and manages the weak economy of Oceania where most citizens live in poverty. Similarly, the Party slogans are contradictory too – “war is peace,” “freedom is slavery” and “ignorance is strength.” Forcing acceptance of such lies removes the individual’s ability to think independently.

In my opinion, the underlying theme of the novel is the downfall of totalitarianism or authoritarianism in general. It’s somewhat a warning to the readers of the dangers of such government. This can be seen on how the author portrays a state in which authorities manipulate every aspect of life even to the point of controlling their thoughts and emotions just to perpetuate themselves in power. In other words, the novel provides a powerful and pessimistic view on the ability of power to corrupt everything good and noble about the human condition. I remember a historian named Lord Acton who said, “Power corrupts but absolute power corrupts absolutely.” In reality, several governments have maximized their powers to dominate their society and push towards backwardness.

The world in 1984 is not as fictitious as we think it is. The world has seen and experienced the horrors of Stalin, Hitler and even our own Marcos. Many journalists were muffled, political opponents were executed, and even common citizens who just wanted the freedom to express themselves were tortured. The novel convinces the reader that such a society existed and could exist again if people forget the lessons taught by history, or fail to guard against tyranny, totalitarianism and oligarchy. An educated society, capable to understand history, should never allow the existence of a society that has no freedom, independence and free will.

A Movie Review on the King and I

Throughout the film, the customs and traditions of Siam is evidently seen. For instance, one can clearly see how the Siamese (now Thai) treat and value women. The king maintains a prejudiced posture toward women, snapping his fingers to call them to attention or to do his bidding. Also, the handful of wives who have been allowed to partake of Anna’s teaching continually refer to Anna as “sir.” When Anna asks them why, the headwife explained “because you scientific, not lowly like woman.” Hence, men were known to be more superior. Women, on the other, were treated as “slaves.” The King of Siam even called Anna directly as his slave.

Not only did the film portray Siam as socially stratified in terms of gender but also in terms of ranks and classes. Since the type of government then was monarchial, the King is regarded to have more prestige than anybody else. This can be shown when the King demanded that she follow the Siamese custom of never letting her head be higher than his. Hence, there is unequal access to respect and honor. Also, slaves like Tuptim aren’t allowed to marry anyone outside her class. In other words, she cannot move from her social status unless she is favored by the King, hiring him as a concubine. To live in the palace as a concubine, as the headwife mentioned, is the most rewarding position she can access. Siamese culture would say that it is rather a privilege.

Moreover, the conflict between Anna and the King resides in the hierarchy of their relationship – who will rule, who will decide and whose influence predominated the lives of the King’s children and his subjects. The conflict between Great Britain and Siam is essentially the same. The film assumes that Siam stands to gain in modernity while England generously contributes values to be adopted. The King’s goal conflicts with the goal of the British Queen who wants to develop trade routes and to establish a foothold in Siam. The King of Siam, on the other, wants to take advantage of British interest in his country to develop Siam into a modern country with a place in international trade. The presence of the British Ambassador may report the rumor that the King is a barbarian, precipitating the Queen’s decision to make Siam a protectorate. Thus the political analogy of the variation of boy-meets-girl plot in The King and I is the ascension of unofficial British domination over Siam, a domination that may have transformed the economic, political and ideological Siamese culture. By the same token, Anna’s presence will transform the King’s children and ultimately his kingdom, in a similar manner. In the film, Anna acts intellectually and morally superior to the King, offering advice on how to impress the British government and congratulating him for reading the Bible. She barely tolerates being in the Buddhist temple, as thought it was a profane place and not a religious area. Hence, in general, I suppose that the British see the Siamese as culturally inferior but also enticing, a possession to be captured and controlled.

In my opinion, The King and I is not simply a love story between people of different cultures. Its story is actually an analogy for a political relationship between their two countries. It is this political analogy underlying the relationship between Anna and the Siamese King that gives weight to the death scene. The deathbed scene resolves both of the central conflicts in the play – both the one between Anna and the King and the larger national conflict. The death resolves the first issue by removing the King’s backward politics from Siam’s foreign policy, allowing his more modern and Westernized son to rule the country with better diplomacy

On "Who Cooked the Last Supper"

As a woman, I am in favor of advocating the importance of women in the society, not because I myself am a woman but because I think she must be given the proper recognition for what she has claimed for herself. Countless women have succeeded in different fields of knowledge, contributing the most part in the society; some of which were persecuted, exploited and tortured. Yet despite of their achievements and failures, their names were forgotten, unwritten in history. Hence, I agree with Miles that she must be entitled to write history through her own perspective, not because I think she is superior or for the sole purpose of avenging her; but rather, history must be made accurate and complete because that is how we can clearly see what the future will be. And perhaps, there is nothing wrong with writing one’s own story, because that is how he sees certain things.

Miles proved an interesting fact: women were freer in earlier times than in our own. It seems ironic though since the more society advances, the freer women become but as Miles stresses, prehistoric women are more privileged. Women used to hunt and ran, roamed where they would and freely make love with the partner of their choice. Basically, they did what men did before. In contrary, male domination has later been evident in every aspect of our lives. Women are supposed to do feminine roles like taking care of the baby and cleaning the house. In other words, the more evolved our society is, the more restrictions women face, the greater the scope of man’s domination. In my opinion, I think that it is quite true, seeing some women still suffering from discrimination in many parts of the world like China and India. Arranged marriages, abortion, sex slavery and other ways of suppressing the freedom of a woman are still practiced today.

Also, I agree with Miles when she said that women are not inferior and never were; but I also think that they are not superior either and should not be. When God formed human beings, He did not create Eve under the soles of Adam’s foot or above his head but Eve was created from Adam’s ribs. She was taken out of his side. Hence, she is flesh of his flesh and bone of his bone. In fact, biologically speaking, man has six ribs on the left and seven ribs on the right. Hence, woman was ought to be the man’s helpmeet, not a helper or boss, but simply man’s equal, a complement and not an opposite. If men are not the measure of full humanity, neither are women standing alone. Only with the understanding that men and women can unite against all that drags us down will we make a stand for our common health and happiness. We, women, are here to take our full place alongside men and bear with them the weight of life in the world.

Although I am in favor of uplifting woman and treating her in a special way, I must disagree that she is to be worshipped. In my opinion, God has both the heart of man and woman. He is not entirely woman. He is both nurturing and strong at the same time because that is how He treats men and women alike. He doesn’t show any favoritism; that is how I see it, at least on my observations on people. However, I agree that the woman is special because she is the one who could nurture and bring forth life but she is not an immortal. She is not overly divine to kill men and abuse them whenever they like because she is still human, made of flesh and blood. They should not manipulate men just because they possess characteristics men don’t have. I don’t find it reasonable. I think that women like Miles are able to claim that our sex should be more valued and superior because they themselves have been hurt just because they are females. All I am saying is that to genuinely achieve peace and justice, then it would not be appropriate for woman to overpower men. In the same way, they are not supposed to be inferior too. They are to engage in the corporate, political and religious realm, succeeding at all fields without stepping on the other sex’s foot. In fact, I admire female political leaders, who have brought stability in their countries, for instance, our own Cory Aquino who brought democracy back to our land. There are some whom I haven’t even known made a difference in their own peoples – queens who fought for justice and against corruption. However, these are just some of the few women who succeeded in leadership. Generally, I think men are still more capable of effectively leading because it is part of their instincts. Based on the different men I’ve observed, they are more instructional. When conversing with them, they just want to get straight to the point and tell you what to do. On the other, girls would want to talk for a certain topic for several hours and are more emotional. Other than that, men are built with abstract minds. Although there are women that think more in a complex way, generally they are more concrete. There are several other facts that would prove that men are more capable of leading, and I myself, a woman, would adhere to that. However, that does not mean that they are more superior. All I am saying is that I do not see the point of claiming superiority over another sex. It’s too subjective for one to say that.

I’m not saying that I am pro-men and anti-feminism. I am pro-equality which is why I absolutely do not agree with the notion of man over woman or woman over man. Miles, on the other, stated that the notion of God brought about the historic defeat of women. It was because of the concept of “one God” that man ruled over women. I think that is not true because He made man and woman uniquely. Just because God created Adam first, it does not mean God played favoritism. In fact, He created Eve last because she was the most beautiful. (I think I do believe in the saying, save the best for the last) She was the crown of creation. And when she ate the fruit from the tree, she was not pushed. She fell; both Adam and Eve did. Adam was supposed to oversee every creation, so he was also responsible. Because of sin, beliefs and mindsets were twisted. Hence, religions became patriarchal, men abused women and women wanted revenge. Yet I believe that they were created to become one, meaning equal.

Although I am not a feminist, I feel enraged when I hear stories about women who were tortured, forced to marry, sexually abused at an early age, beaten by husbands and so on and so forth. In some circumstances however, I think that it is also our fault why we women are oppressed. This is because many of us still do not realize our worth, our purpose, our importance as women. We are to bring life, unveil our beauty and inspire respect from men. Instead, women especially today dress like whores, involve greatly in prostitution and pose in magazines for the urges of the other sex. How can men revere us? How will they learn how to respect us? However, I think that does not sum up the question to why women are despised. There could be a lot of opinions from different people but we just could not ignore the fact how terrible women were treated. From the child brides in Pakistan to the sexually abused females in Africa, I believe that it is about time that people come to realize the woman’s worth. She is to be free, respected, privileged and loved.

Learning about these women is vital to the necessary process of restoring women to their place in the world, for our own times and those to come. For we need this more and more as we make our way through a new millennium in the determination to achieve what we want. Feasting on these marvelous stories of what women have done for the last five thousand years will inspire us to build a new and better world. Most of all, they will remind us all how wonderful women are and how special she is.

A Movie Review on the Memoirs of a Geisha

In the Memoirs of a Geisha, the Japanese culture during the pre-World War is evidently highlighted all throughout, specifically social concerns that remain prevalent until this very date.

The one thing I liked about the film is that it echoes the social difficulties experienced by many women born in the early twentieth century. Sayuri’s fate, like that of other women of her time, was largely predetermined by the dictates of beauty, class and male patronage; and there are still many of them that exist today. Hence, I believe that her life as a geisha and her ability to break her dependency on others and determine her own life is reflective of the path many women must make from dependency to self-reliance.

In the movie, child slavery is portrayed when innocent girls from the rural areas are sold to geisha houses without knowing the implications of geisha training and without even asking for their consent. They were even not given the freedom to marry nor have kids. Women, in general, were inferior. Male domination was prevalent. Although, geishas were not treated as men’s equal, they were tolerated, more respected and given a special status by Japanese society.

The film also leaves a question, which I find really interesting: is the geisha an artist or a prostitute? I am certain that judgments may vary and that we can debate about this for as long as Jesus comes. However, according to the author of the book Memoirs of a Geisha, Arthur Golden, the word geisha does not mean prostitute, as Westerners ignorantly assume. It actually means artisan or artist. I actually agree because based on the movie, geishas do not sell their bodies but their skills. They are trained to do things perfectly, how to smile, converse, and pour tea, walk, sing, and dance, use hands gracefully and so on. In other words, they were to become professional entertainers.

Another thing I liked about the film is that it highlights the importance of the sense of honor and position in Japanese society. In particular, the respect shown between business associates and the geisha and their displays of affection and interest in each other reflects the foundation of the Japanese culture. The simple act of bowing is an example that is still being practiced today, which is one of the most admirable traits of the Japanese.

Ultimately, the values possessed by a geisha such as working hard is the idea I like the most because I think that is what makes them distinct and it is the core value that makes the Japanese a powerful race because of the instilled traits such as discipline, loyalty and respect.

On The Slumdog Millionaire

The Slumdog Millionaire is one of the movies that portray the reality of the 21^st century, which is I believe what most of us neead to see and understand and not just some teenybopper film with a modern Cinderella and a hot football jock, which often doesn’t make sense at all.

Evidently, the Slumdog Millionare illustrates the culture and crisis in India. Although the film may not be completely accurate in historical portrayals, what I liked most about the film was that it educates viewers on what it is like to live in India, raising cultural and social issues highlighted all throughout such as poverty, hunger, human trafficking, illegal investments, child and sex slavery, oppression of women, education, religious and gender discrimination and India’s modern economic development.

One thing that I noticed was that societies have this thinking of economic status as a measurement of character. As what was shown in the film, Jamal was accused of cheating just because he was a slumdog. In my opinion, societies do have this tendency to discredit and belittle those on the lowest end of the economic scale. A capitalist society like ours and India’s, which is profit-driven, emphasizing wealth and the attainment of it unintentionally imposes the idea that wealth means better. In materialistic capitalist societies, wealth is not simply a product of one’s work but is actually mistaken as an impression of their character and work. Although we try to avoid this, I think this notion is still imposed upon us.

Discrimination against women is also prevalent in the film. Indian women are obliged to cover their bodies and faces, despite of the heat, because Indians believe that women are too tempting in the eyes of men and must therefore wrap themselves. Other than that, young girls, were forced to have sex, selling their bodies to make a living. Women were abused, beaten by men, and downgraded, which I believe is very much rampant in India until now. Children were also obligated to work at an early age, they were also abused, tortured, forced to beg for illegal gangs. Young men and women resorting to violence for food and shelter, finding a way to survive in the midst of suffering – a common struggle in many impoverished countries.

However, seeing how Indians manage to change their country’s economic standing, with their call center industry on the demand, I believe that the Indians are one of the few races that do not give up easily and will work to survive, despite of anarchy. That, I believe, is the real nature of man – when he is down, he will lift himself up. The Slumdog Millionaire clearly shows that.

The Indolence of the Filipinos: who should be blamed?

The word indolent has become a term commonly used to identify Filipinos today. Filipinos have more often than not been ridiculed for their negative practices, which include drinking, gambling, womanizing, as well as their religious traditions, which are still an accepted way of life of the people today. It is not surprising though that the image of the ordinary Filipino is such. Indolence, which is commonly associated with the peoples’ lack of activity, laziness, and poverty, is very much evident in these practices. However, what many tend to overlook is that indolence is mostly attributed to the ignorance of the people (Rizal, 1972, p. 227). Many believe and argue that these practices originated from the colonizers of the country. They put the blame on the colonizers for introducing these institutions to Filipino culture, which have negatively affected the Filipino way of life. However, although foreign colonizers are believed to have introduced several indolent practices, the Filipinos should be held responsible for their situation because of their ignorance and indifference to these negative practices and traditions.

Many records have shown that the Filipinos have not always been indolent. In fact, before foreign colonization, the early Filipinos were productive. They participated in trade not only within the country, but with neighboring countries as well (Agoncillo, 1883, p. 45) Accounts have also shown that Filipinos were involved in farming, fishing, carpentry, hunting, and craftsmanship. Also, both men and women worked for a living. While the men were hunting, building boats, fishing, mining, and harvesting, the women were raising animals, crafting, making clothes, and planting rice and vegetables (Gonzales, Sta. Ana-Rankin, & Hukom, 2002, pp. 76-78). All these accounts prove that there was life, activity, and movement in the islands before foreign colonization and that the morals and way of living of the Filipinos was very much different from how it is perceived today (Ikehata, 2007, p. 13). These prove that indolence is in fact, not innate in the Filipino people. However, after the introduction of foreign institutions, such as religion and formal education, the natives became indolent (Ancheta, 1977, p. 118).

The Philippines had been under foreign rule for over four centuries, colonized by the Spaniards, Americans, and Japanese respectively. The colonizers brought with them new ideals, practices, institutions, as well as religion, which eventually affected the Filipinos’ behaviors and attitudes (Constantino, 1975, p. 53). Throughout these years, the Filipinos faced oppressive, intolerant, and immoral leadership, where many people suffered from poverty. Foreign authorities made it a point to exercise their control, supremacy, and power over every aspect of the peoples’ lives (Ancheta, 1977, p. 1, 85). It is no surprise then that the Filipinos became heavily dependent on the colonizers, believing that anything forced upon them was right. Colonialism produced a lack of nationalism among the Filipinos, as well as a mindset which made the people believe in the superiority of the colonizers (Licuanan, 1994, p. 44). It is indeed puzzling to see how the Filipinos, once known for their industriousness, now come to be viewed as indolent creatures.

There is no denying that indolence does exist in the Philippines. Indolence in fact exists in any part of the world (Baula, Personal Communication). Many historians, who focused on the topic of Filipino indolence, have also affirmed its existence as well as its causes (Quibuyen, 2008, p. 202). Aside from the fact that the climate in tropical countries tends to make the body tire and slow down easily, majority of historical accounts would argue that indolence was rather, the effect of the disorder and backwardness brought about by colonialism (Ancheta, 1977, p. 118).

Many historical accounts point to the expeditionary wars and internal disturbances brought about by colonialism as one of the main causes of indolence among the Filipinos (Agoncillo, 1883, p. 78). It was only necessary for the colonizers to use force in order to subjugate their colonies, and consequently, there were those who accepted foreign rule and those who fought against it. There were many insurrections, and there too, were many deaths. The colonizers had several expeditions, where many Filipinos were forced to take part in, so as to maintain their honor and expand their range of power. These expeditions were known to be futile as many skilled Filipinos, including the youth, were shipped away with nothing heard or said of them after. It was during this time that the Philippines lost its most skilled workers – sailors, rowers, and archers – leading to the diminution of the population. These fatal expeditions certainly wasted the moral and material energies of the country and its people (Quibuyen, 2008, p. 205).

Another cause of indolence that historical records identify is the depredation of pirates from the South (Zaide, 1984, p. 34). These attacks, encouraged by the Government, were intended to start clashes among the people, in turn, leaving the areas unarmed when colonizers imposed their authority and power over the people. These attacks also caused great damage and fear among the Filipinos, as well as further reducing the country’s population (Corpuz, 1989, p. 140).

Another cause of indolence was the cutting of timbers for the construction of galleon ships (Ikehata, 2007, p. 14). It was necessary for the colonizers to demand the construction of these ships in order to maintain their trade with China. As a result, the construction of these new and large ships proved to be a costly endeavor for the country because it required large numbers of equipment and laborers. This resulted in the damage and degradation of forests as well as in the depopulation of the country, considering the unethical working conditions that the people had to endure (Guerrero, 1971, p. 241).

Another cause of indolence was that many Filipinos were sold into slavery (Ikehata, 2007, p. 13). It was during this time that many Filipinos were sentenced to death, and it was also during this period that many natives fled to the mountains in disgust of what was imposed upon them by foreign authorities. Many natives, especially women and children, died of hunger, diseases, and most of all, abuse. Some mothers even opted to kill their children in hope of them not meeting the same fate. Filipino workers even, were treated as property – indebted laborers were treated as slaves, exploited at all means, with low salaries and few riches. The country’s economy was ruined, with large numbers of wasted skills, and men who were killed along the way (Constantino, 1975, p. 50). This explains why in the span of a few decades, the population of the Philippines had greatly diminished (Agoncillo, 1883, p. 79).

There are numerous causes that can be attributed to the indolence of Filipinos, but what many historical accounts tend to overlook are the factors that foster and sustain indolence. One contributing factor is the lessening encouragement to work in the country (Ikehata, 2007, p. 13). The Spanish administration did not trust the Filipinos who had access to trade with neighboring countries. The Spaniards, then, limited the exchange and consumption of products, as well as cutting international relations. The only countries that the Filipinos were allowed to continue trade with were Mexico, also known as New Spain, and China because this only benefited the foreign authorities, leaving the Filipinos with very little trade benefits (Quibuyen, 2008, p. 207).

Another contributing factor to Filipino indolence was that Filipinos did not have the freedom to work without the permission of foreign authorities, particularly the Governor (Comyn, 1969, p. 99). The process of getting permits was oftentimes slow, confusing, and most of all, costly. When farmers were able to secure permits, and eventually plant and harvest crops, the Government would in turn demand a large amount of resources from the farmers. The farmers were then left with very little means to defend themselves, and as a result, they turn to inaction – abandoning the farm, work, and indulging in gambling as a better source of income (Rizal, 1972, p. 246-247).

The miserly return from labor that the Filipinos receive is also another factor that fosters and sustains Filipino indolence. Land grants were originally used to reward generals and statesmen. As the economy became more capitalistic, landlords were obliged to collect taxes and look after the welfare of Filipino communities at the same time. As the Filipinos paid tributes, foreign authorities in turn, were supposed to take care of the inhabitants and give them proper education. Instead, the landlords abused their powers to the fullest, using land and property as a means of exploitation, pacification, and personal enrichment (Constantino, 1975, p. 41-42).

The negative influence of the colonizers and the Filipinos’ experience of labor and discrimination under the colonizers have instilled in them an aversion, hatred, and fear of work (Rizal, 1972, p. 250). Because of this, the Filipinos became ashamed of their own culture, and in turn, gave in to the practices of the colonizers (Ancheta, 1977, p. 114).

One of the prominent vices the Filipinos adopted from the colonizers was gambling. Gambling was something that easily appealed to the Filipinos because of the adventure and excitement it incited in the people. On the other hand, gambling worsened the productivity of the people, and in turn, lessened the encouragement to work in the country. Many Filipinos also turned to gambling as an alternative livelihood because they only earned very little while working for foreign authorities (Bankoff, 1991, p. 247). Gambling was also used as a form of escapism because of the peoples’ lack of motivation for work and because of its promise of easy money (Baula, Personal Communication). Today, gambling comes in the form of various number games such as jueteng, loteng, lotto, and betting on the ending numbers of basketball games (Dery, Personal Communication). It can also take form in cockfights, which is a national past time. Cockfights have become integral in the peoples’ lives and traditions, and moreover, an important feature of activities such as fiestas (Agoncillo, 1883, p. 90). Although cockfights and other vices were introduced by the colonizers, the Filipinos are still responsible for the continuation and perfection of practices such as these (Bankoff, 1991, p. 247).

Along with the introduction of gambling, which promised easy money and an escape from the hardships of colonization, came the religious fanaticism of the Filipino people. There are a whole series of religious events. Candles are lit for saints and there are processions in which the saint’s image is carried around the village to bless it (Eggan, 1968, p. 45). “The large number of fiestas, the lengthy Masses at which women spent their whole mornings, the novenaes, their afternoons, and the processions and rosaries, their nights” according to Rizal, drained capital and paralyzed all activity (1972, p. 252). Christianity then had a negative influence on the Filipinos’ behavior because it leaves everything to chance or Divine Providence, which is a trait of laziness disguised in religious garb (Quito, 1994, p. 45). This can be seen as Filipinos pray for different purposes, to different images and statues, relying solely on them (Dery, Personal Communication). Filipino religiosity has reached such a level wherein the devotees go beyond the representations of religion and regard them as separate entities. They basically lose what these images symbolize, and attribute a certain power to them as a result (Rizal, 1992, p. 96). For instance, causes of sickness, death and other various situations are attributed to mysterious powers. As a result, these beliefs control and influence the Filipinos’ behavior, work ethics, and attitudes (Isidro, 1972, p. 39). Moreover, the Filipinos’ exaggerated faith and ignorance to religious traditions has greatly misled them, and has also exposed the Filipinos to foreign ridicule (Rizal, 1992, p. 100, 105).

Filipino traditions have also been recognized for its fiestas, which are extravagant celebrations accompanied by processions, dances, and abundant food (Eggan, 1968, p. 45). Historical records have also shown that before the introduction of agricultural practices, food surpluses could not be stored, so feasts, held in celebration of bountiful harvests, encouraged the indulgence of the entire community in excessive eating and drinking for several days even (Constantino, 1975, p. 35). Filipinos now have become accustomed to so many, tedious and wasteful cultural activities and religious rites (Kanoy, 1977, p. 107). There are many fiestas and festivals, all of which are expensive and extravagant. The “fiesta syndrome” and the “holiday mentality” of the Filipinos are said to be counterproductive to the value of hard work for economic recovery (Gorospe, 1988, p. 116). These fiestas and holidays moreover, promote laziness because it makes people idle and unproductive (Dery, Personal Communication).

Given all the causes, as well as the factors and practices that foster and sustain indolence, Filipino indolence, as we know, continues to exist today. This is primarily because the Filipinos themselves have not made an effort to eradicate these negative institutions, as well as their colonial mentality (Ancheta, 1977, p. 65). Throughout the years of colonization, foreign authorities constantly embedded in the minds of Filipinos that they were stupid, lazy, and that they should follow the authorities. This also meant several centuries of Filipinos believing that they were inferior to the colonizers (Baula, Personal Communication). Also, because foreign authorities had control over almost every aspect of the Filipinos’ lives, they were bound to have had miseducated the people along the way (Corpuz, 1989, p. 217). Although the Filipinos themselves have affirmed their miseducation, efforts have not yet been made to reform it (Dery, Personal Communication).

Under foreign rule, schools were organized by the authorities themselves as a means of reconditioning the minds and attitudes of the Filipinos towards the ideologies of the conquerors (Isidro, 1972, p. 239). These authorities trained and chose the teachers, as well as controlled what was to be taught. During these years, the schools were the colonizers’ property, so to speak (Corpuz, 1989, p. 217). Education was used by the colonizers as a means to subjugate the people, and make them believe in their power and credibility (Isidro, 1972, p. 240). Education was also used by the conquerors to instill in the Filipinos their political, social, and cultural ideas (Tubangui, Bauson, Foronda, & Ausejo, 1982, p. 125). In other words, education became a tool for colonization and exploitation (Constantino, 1975, p. 308, 309).

Although an independent country today, the Philippines is still struggling with the fact that majority of its population is poorly educated, ignorant, and indifferent (Eggan, 1968, p. 2). The current economic, social, and political system is also said to have caused apathy, inequality, and indifference among the Filipinos. Moreover, the Filipinos’ negative values, which are contrary to truth, justice, and freedom, also contribute to today’s society, giving way to mass poverty and injustice (Gorospe, 1988, p. 119-120). Rizal believed that indolence was the effect of misgovernment and backwardness. Therefore, he encouraged the Filipinos to shoulder the responsibility to continue their good practices, as well as to correct or repress their negative habits (1972, p. 232). The Filipinos’ role is simple – eradicate the causes and factors of indolence, eradicate indolence (Dery, Personal Communication).

In order to improve the social conditions of the country, reforms, particularly educational reforms, are necessary (Ancheta, 1977, p. 1-2). The aim of education is to develop the peoples’ mentality and in turn, improve the condition of the country. Education is necessary in order to uplift the people from their condition, moreover, their ignorance (Pascual, 1962, p. 256-257).

One obstacle to reform is the ignorance of the people. This ignorance stems from unstable fanaticism, which is based on sentiment. Education should therefore be the basis of reform and progress. With education, an awareness of being part of a bigger community is created in each individual. It also makes each individual aware of his obligations and develops a sense of nationalism in them. Education should be able to provide the people with a good future, making it the foundation of the best interests of society (Pascual, 1962, p. 257, 259).

“The relationship between education and liberty cannot be over-emphasized. Liberty is the very goal of human progress. But liberty is a very dangerous thing in the hands of ignorant people” (Pasucal, 1962, p. 259). With that, the people are encouraged to think twice of what is being taught to them (Ancheta, 1977, p. 122). The Filipinos, especially the youth, are also encouraged to be able to seek the truth rather than simply follow what the authorities say. Education should be able to guide the people to progress, and in turn, eradicate indolence (Pascual, 1962, p. 261).

Rizal also takes into consideration the role of women in eradicating indolence. In his Letter to the Young Women of Malolos, he praises the importance of the role of women in the emancipation of the country from foreign rule. In addition, he also gives advice on the duties and obligations of the women. He encourages the women to gain knowledge, as well as preserve the Filipino virtues, for this is what they will teach to their children – the future generation of the country, the protectors of tradition and integrity (Ikehata, 2007, p. 70). The home is one of the key instruments of education, especially the role of parents in molding their children. Parents should be able to contribute to good and effective education, rather than become a cause of backwardness (Pascual, 1962, p. 261).

The success of education is in its ability to help an individual seek various perspectives. It is also seen in an individual’s ability to correct errors and change for the better (Pascual, 1962, p. 257). A nation’s success is not only measured in what it is able to achieve, but moreover, in its proper conduct, good intentions, and moral judgment, which is brought about by proper education (Ancheta, 1977, p. 122). A nation will not be successful if the people themselves are not ready for it. The basis or foundation for any form of change should be education, and it must also result to more education (Hunt & McHale, 1965, p. 68).

In sum, Filipino indolence has been a continuing problem from the period of colonization until today. It has been an attitude that has become embedded in Filipino traditions and practices, and somehow, an accepted way of life. Filipino indolence on the contrary, can be viewed from different perspectives – one could be indolence as the fault of the colonizers, and the other is indolence as the fault of the colony.

Many may argue that the colonizers are at fault for introducing negative practices to the Filipinos. Given the fact that the Philippines was under foreign rule for so many centuries, the Filipinos were made to believe that they were “stupid” or “lazy.” Others may further argue that it was because of the abusive rule of the colonizers that the Filipinos accepted poverty as their fate. Moreover, the introduction of religion can be related to indolence and poverty because these institutions promote the idea that poverty is acceptable. The fault of religion is that it accepts the people’s poverty rather than the peoples’ laziness. As a result, people tend to have the mentality that poverty and hardship is all part of a divine plan, making them rely solely on fate and chance (Baula, Personal Communication).

On the other hand, there are a few who will take the opposite stand. These are the people who believe that the Filipinos are at fault for their indolence because of their failure to eradicate the factors that cause and sustain indolence. These people may argue that the Filipinos to begin with, are not indolent. Early records will even prove that there was life and movement in the country, further proving that the Filipinos were not indolent. However, after the introduction of foreign institutions, the Filipinos became indolent. Until today, when the Spaniards, Americans, and Japanese have gone, it is still perplexing to see how indolence still persists in society. This is because the peoples’ indolence and ignorance allow these practices to continue up to today, and the fact that Filipinos themselves promote it. The problem is not the fact that the colonizers introduced these practices, but that the Filipinos have not taken responsibility for their social crisis (Dery, Personal Communication).

After our personal interviews with professors Luis Dery and Enrico Baula, it was certainly interesting to see two completely opposing views. What is important though is for everyone to see the correlation between the two. In fact, the Filipinos themselves are at fault. Even after gaining independence from the colonizers, majority of the population today is still suffering from poverty and ignorance. Filipino traditions and practices also, are still characterized by superstitions, nurturing ignorance and poverty, and in effect, inequality (Isidro, 1972, pp. 197-198). Even after going through several history books, the same argument holds true – the Filipinos themselves have not eradicated these practices, but moreover, perpetuated them.

However, there will always be the argument that early Filipinos are not indolent, proving that laziness is not part of Filipino culture. However, foreign colonization resulted in making the Filipinos ignorant and lazy, and today, these foreign practices have become an important aspect of Filipino traditions. This just comes to show that the Filipinos still have not eradicated these practices, proving that the Filipinos themselves are at fault. Since it is given that the Filipinos were not indolent to begin with, then why do the Filipinos let these practices continue to dominate Filipino culture? This is indeed a question that the Filipinos themselves have yet to answer.

Reality

The meaning of reality has often been misinterpreted in one way or another. This arises from the simple fact that people have different definitions of this concept. Reality, in its larger sense, includes everything that “is,” whether or not it is perceivable. I believe that there are three forms of reality. One is the world that can be perceived by human senses, the second is what can be perceived by human reason, and the other is what cannot be perceived by human understanding.

Let me give you a story as an illustration. Two giants were walking along a beautiful garden. One was color blind while the other had perfect vision. They first looked at the sunflower. The normal-sighted giant said it looked beautiful because it was yellow while the color blind giant disagreed and said it did not seem special because it was just white. Next they looked at the roses. The first giant said it was lusciously red and attractive but the blind one said it was black and ugly. The first one argued that he was right because he can see things clearly but the other said, “I may be blind but I can be right.” In the middle of their discussion, they saw something that made them curious. At the far-most end of the garden, there was a door. Other giants warned them not to enter because it was dangerous but both giants decided to open the door. As they opened the door, they saw a mirror and were surprised to see their own image for the first time. They were not giants after all! They were just ordinary men.

Materialists are those that think everything they see or hear are real. They claim that the only thing that exists is matter. This explains our world which makes us feel “real” and substantial. Although material things are necessary, I do not think that it defines the meaning of life. I am unsure of the certainty of reality based on my senses. I share the same belief with Descartes and Socrates who wrote “We can never trust what our senses tell us because things beyond what we see, hear, feel, taste, smell or touch may also be real”.

Concepts that are only achieved by the human mind are also considered real. Idealism refers to any philosophy that argues that reality is somehow dependent upon the mind. What is arbitrary to us is considered “real”. Therefore, every concept we have, we assume to be “real” are perhaps real. The “law of gravity” is a clear illustration of a concept that our mind accepts because of clear evidence such as a dropped ball that falls on the ground or a ripe fruit that falls from the tree.

Certainly, things exist independent of our consciousness that we may not be aware of. For example, the concept of parallel universes could be real. There is a high chance that our universe can coexist with other universes. It could be more than what we know and there may be hidden worlds beyond human senses that I wish to seek even if I know I would not be able to actually look for a clear answer of the existence of things. As much as we want and we try, we can never be ultimately all-knowing because we can never be certain and we will never be.

Upon studying philosophy, we should ask “Does our world consist of real things – or are we encircled by the mind?” Thus, I came to the conclusion that we are not sure of reality. There may be things that are real and maybe not. Regardless of such questions, we try to create our own real world. We try to secure ourselves that we are real, that there are things that are true and certain. However, we must consider instead how and what we choose to believe in can affect how we live for. As C.S. Lewis said, “different beliefs about the universe lead to different behavior.” What we believe must be either true or false. Before even making a stand, we owe to ourselves to keep seeking the truth about life, death and the universe.

Complex Beliefs

As said by many, beliefs define life. They define one’s being, with which I have come to realize how significant our beliefs are. These beliefs also vary from person to person. Based on my perspective, I believe in a lot of things like love, death, sympathy and God even. Validating a particular belief is difficult without deconstructing it. Thus, we must simplify the complex beliefs and determine its supporting beliefs in order to measure its certainty.

I believe that as one lives, one dies. Therefore, it depicts that I believe in life because there can be no death without life. Second, I believe in the law of causation – that there is a cause for every situation. In other words, a certain cause will bring a certain effect. If one lives, one dies. Third, I believe in my existence upon simply having an idea of what life and death is, for thinking is a form of existence. Another supporting belief is experience. Because I have witnessed a person who lived and died, I believe in death and its coexistence – life. I also believe that there are others that exist aside from me because I cannot base an experience without people who lived and faced death. Therefore, other people exist.

Another belief that must be deconstructed is immortality. This shows that I believe in life because immortality consists of eternal life. If there is an eternal life, there must be an eternal being, meaning there is an existence of a person who is not only purely human but particularly an eternal human. It also follows that there are eternal forms like peace, joy and love like the idea of the “eternal being” and the “soul”. With the idea of these immortal forms, then they would probably exist. I am also convinced with the existence of the soul, because that is the only immutable substance of a person which distinctly proves that he is an immortal. Also, it clearly shows that I believe in the after-life, that there is life after the human death. Unsure of what is certainly ahead of us, there must be something in store waiting for the eternal soul, either heaven or hell. Lastly, my belief in immortality also means that I believe in God because He is known to be immortal. Plus, there must be a Higher Being like God that causes all these conceptions of immortality to arise. Therefore, His existence can be synonymous to the existence of immortal life.

Last is the dictum, “I am happy.” This complex belief can be deconstructed by saying that I believe in happiness. Because happiness is not only a state of being and therefore an emotion, I believe that I feel something, meaning I am convinced that I have emotions. Hence, I believe I can feel. This means that there is a cause for what I am feeling. Therefore, I believe that all emotions are also based on the law of causation – a cause produces an effect. There must be a reason why I am feeling happy. One assumption might be that I got a 4.0 in a Philosophy test. Thus, it caused me to feel happy and say “Hey, I am happy.” Another is that I believe in sadness, because I would not be able to clearly understand the concept of happiness without knowing its complement. Consequently, happiness is not permanent therefore; you can be either happy or sad, which then gives room to the existence of sadness. Saying, “I am happy,” means that I know I am happy. It would be necessary to conclude that I can think because I know that I am feeling something. My mind perceives that I am happy, therefore I think. Also, it would not be possible if I believe in emotions and disconsider the fact that I exist because if I think and feel, I must exist.

Above all, these beliefs may or may not be true but they are important for it determines our actions, our choices and even our future. Therefore, it is but necessary to critically validate our beliefs and our knowledge for us to achieve the ultimate truth, even though we cannot and could never be certain.